35 – Krotoa/Eva

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I would like to thank Professor Simon Schaffer for letting me know about this early interpreter.

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[T]he Khoe comprised different nations or communities with a deep history in the region. The Gorachouqua and Goringhaiqua lived and pastured their cattle and sheep on the Cape peninsula itself. The Goringhaikona, a less organized group (sometimes identified as Strandlopers), did not own cattle [but] rather had a marine diet. The three groups together were known by the Dutch as ‘Peninsulars’. North of Table Bay were the Cochoqua, while east of the Bay were the Chainouqua. The Hessequa resided further east beyond the Cape Belt mountains and the Nama had territory to the north of the Olifants river.¹

Well-known conquistadors, settlers and governors such as Hernando Cortes, John Smith, Jan van Riebeeck–the first governor of the Cape Colony –and the many other European men engaged in exploration and settlement wrote of their first interactions with indigenous societies in part through the prism of an encounter with a helpful young native woman.²

Harry chose to manipulate the Dutch for his own enrichment, Eva opted for loyal service, Doman resisted Dutch colonial expansion. ³

Krotoa the Symbol

Krotoa was a Khoikhoi girl from the South African Cape who was taken into the home of the Dutch commander of the fort on the Cape, converted to Christianity, grew up speaking Dutch and played a central role in Dutch and Khoikhoi relations in the early years of Dutch settlement in the area, in the 1650s and early 1660s.  She married Peter van Meerhoff in 1664 and had three children with him.  Her role as a key early intercultural go-between has meant that her story has been used to illustrate different readings of South African history.  She has been portrayed as the embodiment of victimhood and imperial violence⁵and she can also be described as an indigenous female who played a role comparable to that of Pocahontas or Sacagawea, making outsiders welcome in a strange land.  Like La Malinche, she has been cited as the mother of the first mixed-race baby on the Cape and therefore the mother of the nation. ⁶It is understandable that her unusual story has lent itself to these sorts of readings, but they can seem conjectural given how little is known about her life.  Another approach is to consider her as a product of early colonialisation, when able go-betweens could play a key role that served them well for the time they were useful to the people who needed them.

Hottentots

We have no record of how the Khoikhoi referred to the Europeans who traded metal for their livestock, though there are accounts of early encounters between sailors and local people that give us some sense of the Africans’ reactions: The thoughts that may have passed through the minds of the large numbers who came to stare from the shore at Mossel Bay at the pale strangers and their ships … may be conjectured from the quite specific African reactions that were carefully noted a century later in the journals of several groups of shipwrecked Portuguese who spent long periods trekking through the same part of southeastern Africa.⁷The shipwrecked sailors who came ashore were at first thought to be sea creatures, or from the sun as their pallor was unfamiliar; their humanity was soon acknowledged, however, and hospitality extended.

The Dutch called the brown-skinned people they met in southern Africa “Hottentots”.  There is no clear etymology for the term, which may refer to an expression the Dutch heard them use or a dance they saw performed.  Having just one name for people who may have been interrelated but had their clear differences did not matter as long as the Dutch were making brief stays so the VOC (Dutch East India Company) ships could replenish their supplies of food and water before sailing to Asia or back to Europe, For 164 years contact between Europeans and Khoikhoi was intermittent, brief, almost purely commercial and limited to the small Khoikhoi groups on the peninsula. ⁸Starting with Bartolomeo Dias in 1488, European ships stopped at Table Bay to trade for sheep or cattle.  The Khoikhoi were willing to exchange livestock for metal, iron for spearheads then copper or brass for ornaments.⁹ These exchanges did not always go well.  The Portuguese started avoiding Table Bay after their Khoikhoi interlocutors reacted badly to some sailors’ attempt to kidnap two children. The sailors retreated to their ships and then came out in force against the Khoikhoi, who defeated them soundly.¹⁰ 

Early Interpreters

The British also tried to trade with the Khoikhoi in Table Bay.  They took a measured approach, with few sailors going ashore initially, and every effort made to keep the peace.  One chronicler shows surprising faith in a universal language: by his account, during Sir James Lancaster’s 1600 exchange of knives and pieces of iron for livestock he spake to them in the cattels language, which was never changed at the confusion of Babell, which was “moath” for oxen and kine, and “baa” for sheepe, which language the people understood very well without any interpreter.¹¹

Some took a more practical approach to communication. In 1613, the English seized a man they called Coree and took him to London to learn English.  The idea was that he would help them negotiate when they stopped in Table Bay for supplies, but he disappeared after his return the following year.  His resentment of the way he was treated by the British made the procurement of livestock even more difficult for Europeans.  Coree later used Europeans to advance his own interests by encouraging them to attack Khoikhoi rivals and build his flocks and herds. Around 1626 Coree was killed by the Dutch apparently for refusing to give them food. Coree’s death made trade between Europeans and Khoikhoi even more difficult.¹²

The ongoing need for an intermediary led to another man being pressed into service.  This time, it was Autshumato (c. 1625-1663), known to the Europeans as Herry or Harry.  He was a leader of the Gorinhaikonas Khoikhoi tribe and a Stradloper, or Beachranger, part of a group of hunter-gatherers that did not herd livestock. While Coree had been sent to London, in 1631, Autshumato was sent to the Dutch colony in Bantam (in modern Indonesia), where he learned English. On his return, he and twenty other men were settled on Robben Island, which suited them as it separated them from rival Khoikhoi groups. During his time on Robben Island, Autshumato acted as Postmaster and Liaison for the European ships. In this period he also learned Dutch, French and Portuguese. Eight years later, in 1640, he moved back to the mainland when the threat from the other Khoikhoi tribes was over.¹³

The European sailors for whom Autshumato interpreted were in transit.  That changed in March 1647, when a Dutch ship, the Harlem, foundered in the shallow waters off Table Bay. Some of the crew sailed back to Europe on other ships in the fleet, but sixty of them stayed on for a year to salvage the cargo (textiles, spices, and china).  That stay was a sign of things to come. The group of Dutch people that arrived in 1652 had long-term ambitions, though the Khoikhoi did not realise at the time that they intended to settle in the area.

The Commander of the Fort

Under the command of Jan van Riebeek, the Dutch built a fort and established an initially small permanent settlement on the Cape. There were some Khoikhoi for whom the Dutch settlers presented (short-term) opportunities, not least their intermediaries. The Dutch relied on their interpreters, not only for translations but also for geographic and ethnographic information and for advice on the making of policies relating to the Khoikhois.¹⁴Autshumato became wealthy by combining his work as an interpreter for the Dutch with building up his herd of sheep and cattle. He recommended another interpreter, Nomma (d. 1663), whom the Dutch called Doman; he was sent to Batavia (modern-day Jakarta) to learn Dutch in 1657. While training in Batavia, he saw that local people did not always benefit from a foreign presence, so once he was back home, he was a reluctant – and sometimes belligerent – middleman, with decidedly mixed feelings about the Dutch.

Krotoa As a Child

Autshumato may also have been responsible for his young niece, Krotoa’s work as an interpreter; she was his ward, so he had responsibility for her. Whereas Coree, Autshumato and Nomma were sent abroad for their training, Krotoa was taken into service by Van Riebeek and his wife, Maria. They were doubtless interested in using her in domestic service, but things turned out differently, and she became a go-between. With Krotoa, we have an evocative example of the possibilities and pitfalls associated with the Dutch presence, which had a resonance well beyond her short lifetime. 

Little is known about Krotoa’s early childhood, but she worked in Van Riebeek’s household from June 1652 to October of the following year, and again from the end of 1653.  She was renamed Eva, learned Dutch and converted to Christianity. Some of Van Riebeek’s journal entries show that he had some investment in Eva: in January 1656, he referred to her as a certain girl, called by us Eva (living in the house of the Commander, properly clothed, and in that way already able to converse in Dutch).¹⁵ He could sound impatient with the girl: Eva does nothing else than running about the Island, chasing the sheep and separating them from the lambs; she requires somebody to look after her; she does not attend to signs, gesticulations or thrashings, which she does not appear to comprehend. No credit derivable with such people.¹⁶

As Krotoa grew up, Van Riebeek came to trust her more and more. He often related her views in his journal, quoted her often, and followed her recommendations. She played a key role in Dutch/Khoikhoi relations, particularly in the last five years of Van Riebeek’s command, 1657-1662. His concern for her was clear. In September 1658, when she undertook a trip inland, he noted that she had undertaken not to forget her new ways as she dressed in her traditional garments and prepared to leave the fort.

Towards evening she took leave, expressing her thankfulness for the presents, in good Dutch, and with much politeness, … and on getting outside and into Doman’s mat huts, she immediately put on her skins, and sent her clothes home, so that she might put them on when she should again come into the presence of the Commander’s wife, promising that meanwhile she would not forget the Lord God, (whom she had learned to know in the said house) but would always think of what she had learned, &c.¹⁷

The commander’s journals were Company property, and he did not make entries about his personal life or interests.  There has been some speculation that what could be read as Van Riebeek’s paternal feelings for his young go-between were indications of a closer relationship between the two of them. There is no way of knowing if they were lovers.  What is clear is that Krotoa became comfortable with the Van Riebeecks’ way of life, language and religion.

Krotoa the Go-between

Krotoa played the role of go-between successfully, which meant that she benefited from her privileged position with Van Riebeek.  She was seen as an agent for the Dutch; she was perceived as being on their side when there were differences between them and the Khoikhoi. In June 1658, for instance, there was a crisis as some Guinea slaves had escaped from the settlement, and the locals were suspected of hiding them. At Krotoa’s urging, Van Riebeeck initially captured two sons of the Goringhaiqua chief, then seized other Peninsular people, including Autshumato.  The slaves were caught and returned after over a week of negotiations. Van Riebeek was jubilant at the success of his manoeuvre, and argued that hostage-taking could be used regularly as a means of guaranteeing the flow of cattle and defending the colony against attack. ¹⁸ It was clear, however, that Krotoa had suggested names of possible captives and sided with the Dutch.  Nomma’s sceptical view of the settlers meant that he had little tolerance for his colleague’s loyal service. He belittled her Christian beliefs and accused her of treachery. These issues did not go away, but for the next few years, Krotoa’s position was strong – and her family ties were useful

Eva had extensive kinship ties with several Khoikhoi groups. She had an “uncle” (Harry) among the Strandlopers and another among the Chainouqua, a ‘‘mother’’ with the Goringhaiqua and another with the Cochoqua. In addition her ‘‘sister,” was … the most important wife of the Cochoqua chief Oedasoa.  ¹⁹Both Van Riebeek and Oedasoa depended on her as they tried to reach an understanding.  Her command of their languages and familiarity with both camps made her indispensable.

She took responsibility for opening the Cochoqua’  trade with the Dutch and stood to gain from her role.  She made suggestions to the Dutch of new trade goods which they had not previously offered, including cinnamon, cloves, nutmeg, mace, pepper and sugar.  She also successfully persuaded them to send along a few good violinists and a Dutch clown to entertain the chief Oedasoa when they paid a visit to the Cochoqua.  On that visit, the Dutch saw how highly regarded Krotoa was.  At this stage, she acted as an agent as well as an interpreter. ²⁰ Good relations between the Dutch and the Cochoqua were particularly important as relations with the Goringhaiqua soured. 

The End of an Era

In May 1659, Nomma led the Goringhaiqua against the settlers, and war broke out.  The conflict was a severe test of loyalties on all sides: Oedasoa would not fight other Khoikhoi and the Dutch feared that Eva was siding with him.  Intermediaries must be trusted; it is perhaps not surprising that both sides had less use for her after peace was restored.  In 1662, Van Riebeek left for Jakarta and his replacement, Zacharias Wagenaar, had an openly racist, contemptuous attitude to the Khoikhoi in general and Krotoa in particular.²¹

Krotoa was not adversely affected by this change in circumstance at first because she was involved with Pieter van Meerhoff, a VOC under-surgeon who came to the Cape in 1659.  They had two children by 1663 and worked together to find potential trading partners for the Dutch.  They went on expeditions seeking out the supposedly wealthy northern kingdom of Monomotapa.  When that El Dorado proved illusory, van Meerhoff’s usefulness to the Dutch decreased.  Krotoa still interpreted for Wagenaar but was no longer a key intermediary as the Dutch had an established trading system.

 

Krotoa the Wife

It may have been in a bid for recognition in the light of their diminished status that Krotoa and van Meerhoff decided on a church wedding in 1664.  The VOC Journal recorded their engagement on April 25: [T]his day we published the banns of Pieter van Meerhoff, surgeon, 27 years of age, and the interpreter Eva, 21 years old; this will be the first marriage, according to Christian custom, which has ever taken place here, with any of the natives of this country. ²² Note was also made of the wedding in the official journal, with the bride described as the Company’s interpreter named Eva, (who was of Hottentoo parentage, but subsequently brought up in the house of Mr. Riebeeck).²³

Krotoa Alone

Their marriage was brief, however, as van Meerhoff was killed on an expedition to Mauritius and Madagascar two years later.  Krotoa was widowed with three children and no means of support.  In a tragic end to an eventful life, she was reduced to prostitution and became a disruptive alcoholic. She was imprisoned on Robben Island on several occasions, and her children were taken from her by the Dutch.  When she died in 1674, she was given a Christian funeral.  The authorities’ decision to privilege one side of Krotoa’s life was the first of many attempts to write her into different southern African stories:  It is perhaps not surprising that such a successful go-between ended up with a wealth of identities, but it is also good to recall the few things we know about a short life on the margins of South African history.

Postscript

Krotoa’s two youngest children, Pieternella and Salamon were taken to Mauritius in 1677.  Pieternella later married Daniel Saayman, and they had four children. Their second daughter was named after her maternal grandmother: they called her Eva.²⁴

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1. Carlos, A M, Green, E, Links, C, Redish, A, Early-modern globalization and the extent of indigenous agency: Trade, commodities, and ecology, QUCEH Working Paper Series, No. 24-04, Queen’s University Centre for Economic History (QUCEH), Belfast, p. 22
2. Scully, P. Malintzin, Pocahontas, and Krotoa: Indigenous Women and Myth Models of the Atlantic World in the Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 6:3, 2005, p. 1
3. Elphick, P, 1977, Kraal and Castle: Khoikhoi and the founding of white South Africa, Yale University Press, p. 104
4. https://www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/hottentot
5. Abrahams, Y, Was Eva Raped? An Exercise in Speculative History, in Kronos, November 1996, No. 23, pp. 3-21
6. Scully, op. cit.
7. Northrup, D, Vasco Da Gama and Africa: An Era of Mutual Discovery in the Journal of World History, Volume 9, No 2, 1998, University of Hawai’i Press, pp. 189-211, p. 194
8. Elphick, op. cit. p. 71
9. Ibid. pp. 76-77
10. (https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/early-struggles-contact-and-conflict-cape-colony)
11. Markham, C R,1877, The voyages of Sir James Lancaster to the East Indies, London, The Hakluyt Society, p. 63
12. (https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/early-struggles-contact-and-conflict-cape-colony
13. https://ecency.com/history/@krabgat/south-african-history-autshumato-translator-and-first-postmaster-of-the-cape-of-good-hope
14. Ibid., p.104
15. Leibbrandt, H C V, 1897, Precis of the archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Riebeeck’s journal, etc., Richards, p. 3
16. Ibid p. 65, entry for July 1657
17. Ibid., p. 164
18. Elphick, op. cit. p. 103
19. Ibid. pp. 107- 8 Elphick suggests that European terms do not fit well with the Khoikhoi kinship system and that Krotoa probably had an aunt and a cousin, rather than a mother and a sister, who were Cochoqua.
20. Wells, J C, Eva’s Men: Gender and Power in the Establishment of the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-74 in the Journal of African History, 39, 1998, pp. 417-437, pp. 426-7
21. Ibid.. p. 434
22. Moodie, D, 1838. Papers Related to the Condition and Treatment of the Native Tribes of South Africa, Cape Town, A S Robertson, p. 79
23. Ibid., p. 280
24. https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/krotoa-eva